Introduction

Kerala’s politics cannot be understood without looking at its long history of pluralism. Unlike most regions of India, Kerala became a landing point for some of the earliest global communities. St. Thomas Christians trace their origins to the apostle’s arrival in 52 CE, making them one of the world’s oldest Christian groups. Over centuries, they branched into Catholic and Orthodox traditions, later joined by Latin Catholics under Portuguese influence and Protestant groups such as the Church of South India (CSI). In the 20th century, Pentecostal and Evangelical movements grew rapidly, especially in Pathanamthitta and central Kerala.

Similarly, Islam entered Kerala through Arab traders on the Malabar Coast, long before it spread across northern India. This gave rise to the Mappila Muslim community, which still dominates northern Kerala politics. The Jewish community also found an early home in Kochi, adding to the mosaic of religious diversity. Each community created strong institutional networks—churches, mosques, caste associations, and unions—that later translated into political bargaining power.

This layered pluralism meant that no single caste or religion could dominate Kerala outright. Instead, alliances became the rule: Ezhavas organized through the SNDP, Nairs through the NSS, Christians through church hierarchies and Kerala Congress factions, and Muslims through the IUML. Congress, CPI(M), and BJP continue to compete by building coalitions across these blocs, making Kerala one of India’s most competitive and ideologically vibrant states. Tamil Nadu, though different with its Dravidian political tradition, also shares a pattern where caste groups and religious minorities forge shifting alliances to influence outcomes.

Hinduism in Kerala

Hinduism in Kerala carries a deep intellectual legacy. The state is the birthplace of Adi Shankaracharya, the 8th-century philosopher who consolidated the doctrine of Advaita Vedanta and established four mutts (monastic centers) across India. His influence gave Kerala a unique place in the Hindu religious landscape. Despite later social divisions between forward castes like Nairs and Namboothiris and marginalized groups like Ezhavas, reformers such as Sree Narayana Guru helped reshape Hindu society along more egalitarian lines. Today, Hindu institutions such as the NSS (Nair Service Society) and SNDP (Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam) play pivotal roles in shaping political mobilization.

Hindus

Ezhavas (Thiyyas / SNDP base)

Ezhavas are the single largest Hindu community in Kerala, accounting for about 20–25% of the population. They were historically marginalized but rose through the reformist movement led by Sree Narayana Guru and the SNDP Yogam.

Political Influence: As the most populous community, Ezhavas are decisive in central and southern Kerala. Their mobilization has shaped Kerala’s politics for decades.

Political Alignment: Traditionally they backed the Left (CPI(M)), thanks to working-class and reformist ties. However, sections support the Congress. The SNDP’s political wing, BDJS, is allied with BJP, which gives NDA an opening to split this bloc.

Nairs

Nairs are a forward caste, historically landowning and martial, with strong social institutions like the NSS. They form about 12–14% of Kerala’s population.

Political Influence: They are influential in Thiruvananthapuram, Pathanamthitta, Kottayam, and parts of central Kerala.

Political Alignment: Nairs traditionally split between Congress and CPI(M). In recent years, BJP has gained support among Nairs, especially during cultural debates such as the Sabarimala issue. NSS signals often influence voter swings.

Viswabrahmins (Vishwakarma community cluster)

Viswabrahmins (Vishwakarmas) are artisan castes – carpenters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, sculptors, bronze workers – grouped together as one OBC cluster. They make up about 6–8% of the state.

Political Influence: Spread across Kerala, particularly in central and southern regions. Their artisan traditions connect them to temple networks and local economies.

Political Alignment: They are a swing group. Historically they leaned toward the Left and Congress, but BJP has increased outreach by appealing to artisan pride, traditional skills, and temple-linked occupations.

Namboothiri Brahmins

Kerala’s traditional priestly Brahmins, once custodians of temples and landlords. Numerically small but culturally influential.

Political Influence: Limited direct vote strength but symbolic importance in temple and cultural matters.

Political Alignment: Many lean toward BJP/RSS networks ideologically, but individuals also support Congress or Left depending on constituency.

Other OBC Castes

Kerala has several smaller OBC groups besides Ezhavas and Viswabrahmins, such as Dheevaras (fisherfolk), Mukkuvas, Kuravas, Velans, Vettuvas, and Thandans.

Political Influence: Collectively they are significant, particularly in coastal and rural regions. Dheevaras are strong in Alappuzha, Kollam, Thiruvananthapuram, and Kannur.

Political Alignment: Left dominates among fisherfolk due to strong trade-union ties. Congress has bases in some coastal areas, while BJP is attempting penetration through coastal development agendas.

Christians

Syrian Christians (Syro-Malabar, Syro-Malankara, Orthodox, Jacobite)

Descendants of early Christian converts, often from upper-caste Hindu origins. They are agrarian and business elites, concentrated in central Kerala.

Political Influence: Dominate the politics of Kottayam, Idukki, Ernakulam, and Pathanamthitta.

Political Alignment: Historically aligned with Congress via Kerala Congress factions. Recently, Kerala Congress (M) shifted to the Left, showing fluidity. BJP is making outreach but has yet to achieve major breakthroughs.

Latin Catholics

Catholics of the coastal belt, converted from fisherfolk communities. Strong in Kollam, Alappuzha, Kochi, and Thiruvananthapuram.

Political Influence: Their coastal strength gives them influence in several constituencies.

Political Alignment: Traditionally with Congress, but the Left has made gains through fisher-union mobilization. BJP presence is marginal.

Protestants / Pentecostals / Evangelicals

Growing denominations, particularly in Pathanamthitta, Ernakulam, and Kottayam. Often socially conservative and independent of caste structures.

Political Influence: Smaller than Syrian or Latin Catholics, but growing influence in towns and diaspora networks.

Political Alignment: Traditionally pro-Congress, but some openness to BJP due to shared conservative values. Vote is fragmented.

Muslims

Mappila Muslims

The dominant Muslim group, descendants of Arab traders and local converts, concentrated in Malabar.

Political Influence: Form a majority in Malappuram and are influential in Kozhikode, Kannur, and Kasaragod.

Political Alignment: Strong supporters of the IUML, which is a UDF partner. This ensures UDF’s dominance in northern Kerala.

Muslims in Central and South Kerala

Smaller Muslim populations outside Malabar.

Political Influence: They are locally influential in Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam, and parts of Alappuzha and Kottayam.

Political Alignment: More fragmented. While IUML influence extends, the Left has made inroads in pockets by mobilizing welfare and local leadership.

Party-Wise Alignment

Congress / UDF

Strong among Syrian Christians (via Kerala Congress factions).
Retains Muslim base through IUML.
Significant support among Latin Catholics.
Some share of Nairs and Ezhavas in coastal districts.

CPI(M) / Left (LDF)

Strongest among Ezhavas, fisherfolk, and SC/STs.
Retains unionized working class across communities.
Gains among Latin Catholics and sections of Syrian Christians via Kerala Congress (M) alliance.
Competitive among Muslims outside IUML strongholds.

BJP / NDA

Nairs are its main support base.
Alliance with BDJS gives it an entry into Ezhava vote.
Targeting Viswabrahmins (Vishwakarmas) and smaller OBCs.
Ongoing outreach to Syrian Christian elites.

BJP’s Paradox in Kerala
The BJP has consistently secured around 15–20% vote share in different elections in Kerala, a figure noticeably higher than its earlier averages in states like Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu. (Telangana saw a major shift only after the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, when the BJP’s share surged to nearly 35%.) Yet, in Kerala, this steady vote base has not translated into seats in either the Assembly or Parliament. The main reason lies in Kerala’s three-way competitive system, where even a 20% vote share is insufficient without concentrated caste or religious support and the strength of local alliances.

Another important factor is Kerala’s 40–45% minority population, largely Christians and Muslims. This demographic ensures that even a complete consolidation of Hindu votes cannot deliver BJP decisive victories. As a result, the BJP’s fortunes in Kerala increasingly hinge on the Christian vote, which has emerged as the X factor in state politics. The party has already tested and refined similar outreach strategies in Goa and the Northeastern states, where Catholic and tribal Christian groups were brought into the BJP’s fold.

Crucially, the BJP’s support base in Kerala is geographically scattered rather than thickly concentrated in a small number of constituencies — meaning the party often secures decent vote shares across many seats but lacks the concentrated pockets required to win. Thiruvananthapuram (Trivandrum) is a partial exception, where a stronger Nair and urban middle-class base has given the BJP better prospects. Elsewhere the party’s presence is thin and dispersed, preventing the conversion of vote share into seats.

This explains the BJP’s focused Catholic Christian outreach in Kerala. The most striking example came in 2024, when Suresh Gopi won the Thrissur Lok Sabha seat. His victory was made possible largely due to sections of the Christian community extending support, proving that Christian backing can tilt results in Kerala. For BJP, repeating such breakthroughs — and finding ways to concentrate its support locally — is critical to converting its respectable vote share into seats.

BDJS

Represents SNDP and Ezhava interests.
Aligned with NDA but occasionally signals flexibility.

Kerala Congress (Factions)

Rooted in central Travancore’s Syrian Christian farmer base.
KC(M) now with LDF; other factions remain with UDF.
Kingmakers in central Kerala.

IUML

Strongest and most disciplined Muslim political organization.
Delivers Muslim votes to UDF, especially in Malabar.

JDS & Others

Small presence, usually aligned with LDF.

Overall Dynamics

Ezhavas are the swing bloc: Still Left-leaning but split between UDF and NDA in pockets.
Nairs anchor BJP’s growth: Without Nairs, BJP cannot expand in Kerala.
Viswabrahmins (~7%) are swing artisans: Emerging as a key small-caste vote bank targeted by all parties.
Christians decide central Kerala: Kerala Congress factions’ alliances decide results in Kottayam, Idukki, Pathanamthitta.
IUML secures the Muslim vote for UDF: Making Malappuram and northern Kerala a UDF fortress.
Coastal OBCs are battlegrounds: Fisherfolk, Dheevaras, Mukkuvas, and Latin Catholics tilt seats depending on welfare promises.
BJP’s challenge: Needs breakthroughs among Ezhavas, Christians, and Viswabrahmins to rise beyond its Nair base.
Christian minority voters as X factor: Their support can tilt constituencies, as seen in Suresh Gopi’s 2024 win.
Left strength: Retains the working-class, fisherfolk, and Ezhava core, but faces leakage to BJP and UDF.
Local candidate caste/religious identity: In Kerala, candidate selection within each constituency often matters as much as statewide swings.

Trivia – Caste & Religion Politics in Kerala

St. Thomas Christians in Kerala trace their roots to 52 CE, giving the state one of the oldest continuous Christian traditions in the world.
Catholic–Orthodox Church disputes in central Kerala often split voter loyalties between rival Kerala Congress factions.
CSI (Church of South India) has its headquarters in Thiruvananthapuram and has historically leaned toward Congress, especially in Protestant-strong areas.
Pentecostal and Evangelical groups have grown rapidly in Pathanamthitta and Ernakulam, sometimes becoming swing vote banks.
Arab NRI remittances transformed Malabar, giving Mappila Muslims new economic clout and reinforcing IUML’s dominance.
IUML’s organizational strength is powered by Gulf-based funding networks and disciplined cadre structures.
Kerala Congress’s agrarian base rests on Syrian Christian rubber farmers in Kottayam, Idukki, and Pathanamthitta.
Latin Catholic clergy in Kollam and Alappuzha often signal voter preferences, influencing coastal fisherfolk.
NSS (Nair Service Society) is one of the most powerful caste associations in India, influencing political shifts in central and southern Kerala.
SNDP Yogam, founded by Sree Narayana Guru, enabled Ezhavas to mobilize and later shaped both Left and BJP strategies.
Tamil Brahmin migrants in Palakkad and Thiruvananthapuram tend to align with BJP and RSS-linked organizations.
Dalit Christians have historically felt marginalized within church hierarchies, making them more receptive to CPI(M) mobilization.
Sabarimala protests (2018) marked a turning point, consolidating BJP support among Nairs and parts of the Hindu electorate.
Travancore royal family continues to wield cultural influence, especially around the Padmanabhaswamy Temple in Thiruvananthapuram.
Ezhavas and Thiyyas, though grouped together, have subtle regional identity differences that complicate uniform political messaging.
Malankara Orthodox–Jacobite feud has political consequences in Ernakulam and Pathanamthitta, with each church backing different leaders.
Left unions among coir workers, toddy tappers, and fisherfolk keep CPI(M) entrenched in grassroots networks.
RSS shakhas are most active in Kannur, creating decades of violent clashes with CPI(M) cadres in the region.
Christian–Muslim Gulf trade connections fund local schools, charities, and sometimes election campaigns in central Kerala.
Kummanam Rajasekharan became BJP’s symbolic Nair face during the Sabarimala agitation, raising the party’s profile.
Church-backed literacy campaigns in the 1980s often worked in tandem with Left initiatives, showcasing Kerala’s unusual cross-religious cooperation.
Suresh Gopi’s 2024 Lok Sabha win in Thrissur highlighted how Christian voters can become the X factor in Kerala politics.
Kannur politics is often described as Kerala’s “political laboratory,” given the intense CPI(M)–RSS rivalry there.
Caste-based candidate selection is a crucial factor in Kerala elections, with parties carefully balancing Hindu, Christian, and Muslim names by constituency.
O. Rajagopal remains the first and only BJP MLA elected in Kerala (Nemom constituency, 2016), symbolizing both a breakthrough and the party’s struggle to sustain gains.
Film stars in Kerala politics (unlike Tamil Nadu) never became dominant — literature, reformers, and unions shaped political identities instead.
EMS Namboodiripad became the world’s first democratically elected communist chief minister in 1957, cementing Kerala’s Left identity.
Aranmula temple vs church land disputes reflect the complex overlap of Hindu and Christian interests in central Kerala politics.
Kudumbashree women’s movement, launched in 1998, mobilizes lakhs of women into self-help groups, indirectly strengthening CPI(M)’s grassroots influence.
Kerala’s 100% literacy campaigns were heavily politicized, with the Left using them as a tool for mass mobilization and pride in social development.

Kalyan Chandra

Kalyan chandra is a political strategist, media and communication consultant with the expertise in public relations, marketing, political research, election campaign management, psephology and digital analytics. He focuses on strategic political consulting, offering services that include competitive research, public opinion collection, and digital media management. Kalyan has significantly contributed to successful campaigns across India with his meticulous approach and deep understanding of the political landscape.

info@kalyanchandra.com https://kalyanchandra.com